2017年11月23日 星期四


The Term “Mongγol” Revisited (蒙古一詞再議) 一文已於近日出版。該文擬就歷史文獻和蒙漢對音兩方面切入,以說明「蒙古」一詞乃源自蒙古的發源地「望建」河。全文刊登於Central Asiatic Journal 60 (2017)1/2, pp.183-206,下面為文章的部分章節。



The Term “Mongγol” Revisited 

Kam Tak-sing甘德星


Landscape at the confluence of the Ergüne River and the Shilka River . Photo by Wei-chi ren, 2005

          If my hypothesis is correct, there is good reason to assume that the term Mongγol, which is cognate with the hydronym Wang-chien, is derived from the indigenous Mong Γool,[1] the river proposed by Banzarov.[2]  According to Kowalewski, the word mong means ‘riche, opulent; fougueux, impétueux’,[3] the Mong Γool, as such, must have been a fast-flowing river.  This interpretation is corroborated by the fact that the Ergüne River, especially the section from Chi-la-lin 吉拉林 (or Shih-wei) to Lian-yin 連崟,[4] where the early Mongols are known to have settled,[5]flows rapidly.[6]  The name Kiyan (Kiān)[7]乞顏 (kǐət ŋan),[8] one of the two legendary Mongol groups that migrated to the Ergüne Qun, the Mongols’ homeland, echoes this thesis.  According to Rašīd-al Dīn, Kiyan means in Mongolian ‘a rushing torrent from the mountains’.[9]  Moreover, the geographical features of the Ergüne Qun, which, as pointed out by Rašīd-al Dīn, means ‘sloping cliff’, are faithfully reflected by the steep slopes that characterize this particular section of the Ergüne River figs. 2 and 3, as the present-day toponym Lian-yin, which reflects the hilly terrain of the region, also suggests.
The use of the word γool in the ethnonym may seem to contradict what I have noted earlier, i.e., it first appears only in sources published after the 13th century, such as the Mongγol-un ni'uča tobča'an and the various Sino-Mongolian glossaries.  Nonetheless, the naming by the Tibetans of a river south of the Kokonor as Jima Gol~Khol (Ch. Ta-fei Ch'uan大非川[10] < Mo. Dabu(sun) γool[11]) in the seventh century demonstrates beyond a doubt that the term γool was in use during T'ang times.  This Mongol vocable must have been brought by the T'u-yü-hun, a Hsien-pi group,[12] when they migrated from Mongolia to the Kokonor area in the fourth century.  The fact that the Dagur language, which preserves the Middle Mongolian forms, has the same word γol, adds credence to our argument.[13]

[1]Another possible derivation is Möngke Γool, i.e., an ever-flowing river that provided the early Mongols with a reliable source of water. The change from Möngke Γool to Mong Γool can be deduced as follows. Owing to haplology, the syllable -ke in möngke was dropped when merged with the following γool, which was contracted simultaneously to become -γol. The ö in the first syllable of the merged word, because of vowel harmony with the resultant -γol, was further changed to o through regressive assimilation. Though a tantalizing alternative, Möngke Γool is a less likely derivation than Mong Γool because of the complicated process of linguistic change involved.

[2]It is interesting to note that one of the tributaries draining into the Hei-lung-chiang is known as the Mo Ho 漠河 River (or Mu Ho 木河 in Ming times) and that the County named after it is known to have been inhabited by the Shih-wei people. [See Mo Ho hsien-chih 漠河縣志, ed. Wang Shu-ts'ai 王樹才 (Peking: Chung-kuo ta pai-k'e ch'üan shu ch'u-pan she, 1993), pp. 1, 57-6, 107, 657]. However, no reference is made to this river in T’ang sources, and its medieval reading mak γa (Kuo, Ku-yin, pp. 17, 26) does not quite match the term Mongol.

[3]J. E. Kowalewski, Dictionnaire mongol-russe-français, vol. 3 (Kazan, 1844; reprint, Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 1993), p. 2029a. Kowalewski’s definition is obviously a translation of I. J. Schmidt, Mongolisch-Deutsch-Russisches Wörterbuch, nebst einem deutschen und einem russischen Wortregister (St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, W. Graeff und Glasunow, and Leipzig:Leopold Voss, 1835), p. 217b: ‘reich, űberflűssig; trotzig, driest’. Though rarely seen, the word mong is not a hapax legomenon. Its use is attested in the Qorin naimatu tayilburi toli (Kőkeqota: Őbőr Monγol-un arad-un keblel-ün qoriy-a, 1994), p. 1205, where the phrase mong song ügei is glossed as ‘masi elbeg delbeg,’  and in the Mongol kelen-ü toli (Kőkeqota: Őbőr Monγol-un arad-un keblel-ün qoriy-a, 1999), p. 1870, where the phrase mong ügei is also glossed as ‘elbeg delbeg’. Its existence is furthermore mirrored by its Oyirad counterpart moη, which carries the same meanings of ‘keck, trotzig’ as Kowalewski’s and is used similarly to constitute a toponym (moη-χamγ̥ name eines sandberges bei Sarepta a. d. Wolga). See G. J. Ramstedt, Kalmückisches Wörterbuch (Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura, 1935), p. 264b and H.A. Zwick, Handbuch der Westmongolischen Sprache (Villingen: Ferd. Forderer, 1853), p. 266b, on which the former is based.

[4] Mo Ho Hsien-chi, p. 105; Hsü Chan-chiang et al., eds. Hu-lun Hu chi, p. 37; Hei-lung-chiang chi-kao, chüan 3, pp. 320-321; chüan 4, p. 571.

[5] Recent archaeological discoveries provide evidence that the early Mongols lived in the Ergüne River basin. Their presence is confirmed by the tree-trunk coffins found in the vicinity of the confluence of the Shilka River and the Ergüne River (fig. 1). These coffins, which date from the 8th century to the 9th century, are hollowed out of a massive log, and are typical of those used by the Mongols who later nomadized the Eurasian steppes. The Russian archaeologists who discovered these coffins in the late 1980s call the culture they represent the Dabsun culture. Similar dugout coffins dated around the 10th century have been discovered in West Wu-chu-erh西烏珠爾 and Hsieh-erh-t’a-la謝爾塔拉north of Hu-lun Lake, showing the Mongols’ gradual migration southward. It is from the Hu-lun Lake region that the Mongols moved further west and settled in the Onon River basin since the 10th century. See Lin Mei-ts’un林梅村, Sung Mo Chih Chien 松漠之間(Peking: San-lien shu-tien, 2007), pp. 256-57, Chung-kuo she-hui k’e-hsüeh yüan et al., Hai-la-erh Hsieh-erh-t’a-la mu-ti海拉爾謝爾塔拉墓地 (Peking: K’e-hsüeh ch’u-pan she, 2006).

[6] Rivers in this area flow swiftly. A tributary of the Ergüne now known as the Chi-liu River激流河, as its name suggests, is one such example.

[7] Shi Chi, vol.1 part 1, p.252. For the term Kiyan, see Cha-ch’i-ssu-ch’in, Meng-ku mi-shih hsin-yi ping chu-shih 蒙古秘史新譯並注釋 (Taipei: Lien-ching ch’u-pan shi-yeh kung-ssu, 1979), p. 44, note 2.

[8] Kuo, Ku-yin, p.74, 199.

[9] Shi Chi, vol.1 part 1, p.252. The Mongols’ penchant for evoking a hydronym to name themselves is also evidenced in the term Činggis, which is derived from the Turkic word teŋiz, meaning ‘ocean’. See Gerard Clauson, An Etymological Dictinary of Pre-Thirteehth Century Turkish, p.527.

[10]Christopher I. Beckwith, The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 33, note 109. Note that γool was not used by the Turks to mean river in the T'ang period as Beckwith claims. See Clauson, Etymological Dictionary of Pre-thirteenth Century Turkish, p. 715, where it is noted that kö:l (g-) is ‘never used for “sea”, or for “river”’.

[11]Chou Wei-chou 周偉洲, ‘Ta-fei yü Mo-li 大非與墨離’, in Hsi-pei li-shih yen-chiu 西北歷史研究 (Shan-hsi: San Ts'ing ch'u-pan she, 1990), pp. 129-34.

[12]On the linguistic affinity between the Hsien-pi and T'u-yü-hun languages, see Ch'en Chien 陳踐 and Wang Yao 王堯, Tung-huang T'u-po wen-hsien hsüan 敦煌吐蕃文獻選 (Peking: Min-tsu ch'u-pan she, 1983), p. 162 and Paul Pelliot, ‘Notes sur les T'ou-yu-houen et les Sou-p'i’, T'oung Pao, vol. 20 (1921), pp. 323-30.

[13]Nicholas Poppe, Grammar of Written Mongolian, p.2; Na-shun ta-lai那順達來, Niakan Daor Bulku biteg (Hu-ho-hao-t’e: Nei Meng-ku ta-hsüeh ch’u-pan-she, 2001), p. 128.


2017年11月14日 星期二

Companions in Geography: East-West Collaboration in the Mapping of Qing China (c.1685-1735)

Mario Cams, University of Macau
ISBN13: 9789004345355
E-ISBN: 9789004345362
Publication Date: July 2017
Format: Hardback
Pages, Illustr.: xiv, 280 pp.

In Companions in Geography Mario Cams revisits the early 18th century mapping of Qing China, without doubt one of the largest cartographic endeavours of the early modern world. Commonly seen as a Jesuit initiative, the project appears here as the result of a convergence of interests among the French Academy of Sciences, the Jesuit order, and the Kangxi emperor (r. 1661-1722). These connections inspired the gradual integration of European and East Asian scientific practices and led to a period of intense land surveying, executed by large teams of Qing officials and European missionaries. The resulting maps and atlases, all widely circulated across Eurasia, remained the most authoritative cartographic representations of continental East Asia for over a century.

This book is based on Dr. Mario Cams' dissertation, which has been awarded the "2017 DHST Prize for Young Scholars" from the International Union of the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology, Division of History of Science and Technology (IUHPST/DHST).

Table of contents

List of Illustrations

Introduction: Towards a New Cartography of Cross-cultural Circulation
 1 Situating the Study
 2 Delineation and Approach
 3 Cartography and the Jesuit Missions to China
 4 Chapter Overview

1 Instruments for the Emperor: New Frontiers, New Practices
 1.1 An Instrumental Convergence of Interests
  1.1.1 The Académie and the Instrument Market in Paris
  1.1.2 The King’s Mathematicians’ Interest in Cartography
  1.1.3 Paris-made Instruments for the French Mission
 1.2 Improving Cartographies: An Emperor’s Quest
  1.2.1 The Kangxi Emperor’s Cartographic Aspirations
  1.2.2 Qing Statecraft and Cartographic Practice
  1.2.3 The Qing Court’s Appropriation of Paris-made Instruments
 1.3 Frontier Matters: New Qing Cartographic Practice
  1.3.1 Integrating the Khalka: Exploring a New Frontier
  1.3.2 The 1698 Preliminary Survey
  1.3.3 Re-standardizing the Qing’s Most Basic Unit of Length

Intermission One: Missionaries or Mapmakers? The Mapping Project and its Place in the Mission
  Justifying Missionary Involvement
  The Unauthorized Return of Joachim Bouvet

2 Of Instruments and Maps: The Land Surveys in Practice
 2.1 Beyond the Passes: Observations and Calculations
  2.1.1 New Qing Cartographic Practice along the Great Wall
  2.1.2 Revisiting the Manchu Homelands and Northern Frontiers
  2.1.3 Strategic Expeditions into Korea and Tibet
 2.2 The Logistics in Mapping the Chinese Provinces
  2.2.1 Moving South: Sequence, Timing and Strategies
  2.2.2 Directed from the Center: The Emperor and His Administration
  2.2.3 Team Composition and Local Support
 2.3 The Imperial Workshops Connection
  2.3.1 Mapmakers from the Inner Palace
  2.3.2 European Technical Experts and Assistants
  2.3.3 The Logistical Centrality of the Imperial Workshops

Intermission Two: Missionaries and Mapmakers: Missionary Activity during the Land Surveys
  The Restitution of Church Buildings
  The Impact of the Chinese Rites Controversy

3 The Afterlife of Maps: Circulation, Adaptation, and Negotiation
 3.1 The Printed Life of the Overview Maps of Imperial Territories
  3.1.1 The Woodblock Editions
  3.1.2 The Copperplate Editions
  3.1.3 Imperially Commissioned Compilations and Later Renditions
 3.2 The European Incorporation of a Qing Atlas
  3.2.1 Early Transmissions and Reception in Europe
  3.2.2 Contracting Jean-Baptiste Bourguingon d’Anville
  3.2.3 Intercultural Adaptation: d’Anville’s Regional Maps
 3.3 Beijing, Paris and Saint Petersburg: Negotiating the Gaps
  3.3.1 d’Anville’s General Maps and the Paris-Saint Petersburg Connection
  3.3.2 The Saint Petersburg Connection to Beijing
  3.3.3 d’Anville’s Maps: Reception and Further Adaptations
  Annex: Extant Kangxi-era Sheets (Printed)

Conclusion: Unlocking Dichotomies: Revisiting Cross-cultural Circulation
  On Qing Imperial Cartography: Traditional vs. Scientific Practice
  On the Role of the Individual: Global vs. Local Networks
  On Instruments and Maps: The Circulation vs. the Production of Knowledge
  On Interculturality: China vs. Europe

References and Bibliography

Biographical note
Mario Cams, Ph.D. (University of Leuven, 2015), is Assistant Professor at the University of Macau’s Department of History and specializes in the history of early Sino-European contacts, late imperial China, and the history of cartography.

2017年11月12日 星期日


作者 李惠玲
出版社 三聯書店(香港)有限公司
出版日期 2016/06/27
ISBN 9789620439124
頁數 432頁



鄔堅巴,藏地稱「大成就者鄔堅巴」,是鄔堅巴•仁欽貝(U-gyan-pa Rin-chen-pe,1230-1309)的漢譯簡稱。鄔堅巴幼有宿慧,年少時已得多名大師傳授此密法,成為當時藏地集「時輪金剛密法」三大派承傳的權威。鄔堅巴後來不但成為兼通顯密佛學與「時輪」密法的高僧,也是得道的瑜伽行者、大學者、譯師、名醫、煉丹師,以及藏傳佛教活佛轉世系統肇始的關鍵角色,是紛亂的十三世紀後藏地區舉足輕重的人物。他曾經歷千辛前往北印度求取最高密法,也到過上都朝見忽必烈。他堅毅不屈、文武兼備、行俠仗義、嫉惡如仇、特立獨行,極具代表性。

總而言之,本書藉由一個遊走於青藏高原及北印度的高僧大德的足跡,以及當時藏地與中原、蒙古、印度、穆斯林等的關係,分享其見聞感悟,讓讀者更深入了解這片高寒 之地的人和事。





2017年11月6日 星期一


作者: 中國第一歷史檔案館,中國人民大學國學院
出版社: 遼寧民族出版社
出版日期: 2017/1/1
ISBN 9787549715367
定價: 4,800.00
冊數: 10




清代沿用以往朝代編修實錄的制度,編纂了卷帙浩繁的各朝實錄。清朝12 位皇帝中11 位有實錄,共計4400 餘卷。最後一位皇帝溥儀在位僅三年就爆發辛亥革命而退位,仍由原編纂《大清德宗景皇帝實錄》的人員修成了《宣統政紀》。此書雖不再用實錄的名稱,但體例與實錄無異。


清實錄的編修,由按例開設的實錄館承擔,書成即裁撤。編修實錄的史料經皇帝特許可以調閱起居註冊、上諭、題本、奏摺及其他原始檔案。編纂體例除《滿洲實錄》外,基本一致。實錄由卷首和正文兩部分組成,卷首主要有御製序、修纂凡例、目錄、進實錄表、編修官等內容。正文以時間為序,彙編成卷。各朝實錄,篇幅不等,記事細目多寡不均,大多都涉及政治、經濟、文化、軍事、外交、天文、地理等方面的內容,記載了有清一代近300 年的用人行政和朝章國故。


清實錄分別用滿文、蒙古文、漢文3 種文字書寫。清實錄編修完成後,形成各種不同規格和不同裝潢形式的精寫本存藏各處。後人依據其裝幀特點和開本大小區分為小黃綾、小紅綾、大紅綾3種文本。其中小黃綾本是進呈皇帝御覽審定用本,然後按皇帝審定後的小黃綾本,分別用滿文、蒙古文、漢文謄寫,並以紅綾為封面,裝訂成冊,妥善保存。從乾隆朝開始編修的滿文、漢文實錄正本各有5 部,即小黃綾本1 部,小紅綾本2 部,大紅綾本2 部。編修蒙古文實錄4 部,其中大紅綾本只有1 部,無盛京藏本。清實錄的稿本仍沿襲明朝舊制,在西苑蕉園焚毀,但也有部分稿本存世。


在清代實錄中清太祖努爾哈赤的實錄版本最多,流傳下來的有《大清太祖武皇帝實錄》、《大清太祖高皇帝實錄》康熙本和《大清太祖高皇帝實錄》乾隆本、《滿洲實錄》共計4 部。同一皇帝有4 種實錄,這在流傳下來的歷朝實錄當中是絕無僅有的。

為了更好地整理和保護珍貴的滿文古籍文獻,進一步推進相關學科的研究,同時為廣大讀者創造便利的查閱條件,今將中國第一歷史檔案館所藏《大清太祖武皇帝實錄》、《大清太祖高皇帝實錄》康熙本、《大清太祖高皇帝實錄》乾隆本和《滿洲實錄》4 部清太祖實錄,經掃描複製後編輯成冊,冠以《清太祖滿文實錄大全》之名,公開出版發行。其中《大清太祖高皇帝實錄》康熙本和《大清太祖高皇帝實錄》乾隆本屬首次公佈,以期有助於清朝開國史、清代文獻學、滿學、東北民族史以及滿語文等諸領域的研究。

此次清太祖滿文實錄的影印出版,均照原書掃描仿真製版,最大限度地保持原書的基本特徵。同時,為了便於查閱起見,對其滿文進行拉丁字母轉寫,編制人名、地名索引;根據出版開本的需求,適當壓縮原書版面的尺寸;在版面設計上,採用原書版框的基本特徵,在貼口處用漢文標明原書的書名、卷次和頁碼;根據分冊裝訂的需要,在保持原書卷次秩序的前提下,分編裝訂成10 冊,第一冊為《大清太祖武皇帝實錄》、第二至三冊為康熙本《大清太祖高皇帝實錄》,第四至五冊為乾隆本《大清太祖高皇帝實錄》、第六至九冊為《滿蒙漢合璧滿洲實錄》、第十冊為《拉丁字母轉寫與索引》。

2017年11月5日 星期日


作者: 烏雲畢力格
出版社: 上海古籍出版社
副標題: 多語文本中的內亞民族史研究
出版年: 2017-7
頁數: 400
定價: 88.00元
裝幀: 平裝
叢書: 歐亞古典學研究叢書
ISBN: 9787532585229







第一章 明朝兵部檔所見林丹汗與察哈爾蒙古
第二章 綽克圖台吉的歷史與歷史記憶
第三章 康熙皇帝親征噶爾丹的滿文檔案及其流傳
第四章 車臣汗汗位承襲的變化
第五章 清太宗與紮薩克圖汗素班第的文書往來
第六章 康熙初年清朝對歸降喀爾喀人的設旗編佐
第七章 外藩蒙古內紮薩克盟的雛形
第八章 1705年西藏事變的真相
第九章 六世達賴喇嘛倉央嘉措圓寂的真相
第十章 噶爾丹與藏傳佛教上層
第十一章 土爾扈特汗廷與西藏關係(1643-1732)


第1章 清初“察哈爾國”遊牧所在
第二章 東土默特遊牧地之變遷
第三章 三世達賴喇嘛圓寂地之地望
第四章 十七世紀衛拉特各部遊牧地之分佈
第五章 日本天理圖書館所藏手繪蒙古遊牧圖及其價值
第六章 清代克什克騰旗的兩幅遊牧圖

作者簡介 烏雲畢力格,德國波恩大學博士,現任中國人民大學國學院西域歷史語言研究所、清史研究所雙聘教授,國學院副院長、清史研究所滿文文獻研究中心主任,中國蒙古史學會會長。

從事蒙古史研究、中亞民族關係史研究、滿蒙文檔案文獻研究和清史研究。1987年以來,用蒙、漢、德、英等文在國內外 發表了學術論文50餘篇,著有《和碩特史略》、《Ueberlieferungsgeschichte des Berichts ueber den Feldzug des Kangxi-Kaisers gegen Galdan (1696-1697)》、《喀喇沁萬戶研究》、《<阿薩喇克其史>研究》、《十七世紀蒙古史論考》等,主持整理出版《清內閣蒙古堂檔》、《清朝前期理藩院滿蒙文題本》等。

2017年11月3日 星期五


作者: 鍾焓
出版社: 社會科學文獻出版社
出版年: 2017-11
頁數: 389
定價: 68.80
ISBN: 9787520115162



2017年11月2日 星期四


定價: 168元


二木博史教授及其學術貢獻 烏雲畢力格(i)
二木博史研究業績表 財吉拉胡(1)
海都崛起與窩闊台系在中亞的進退 孫聞博(11)
愛新國指授歸順蒙古諸部遊牧地考述 薩出日拉圖(23)
兩件滿文題本與清代和中國民族史中的官印文化 賈寧(39)
清代喀喇沁三旗旗制的衰微——基於蘇木丁數的考察 珠颯(57)
清代蒙古秋朝審考 蒙古勒呼(73)
清初顧實汗與清廷關係 明·額爾敦巴特爾(103)
五世達賴喇嘛致蒙古部三封書信研究 魏建東(117)
清代昭烏達盟的形成及其會盟問題探析——以翁牛特右翼旗印務處檔案爲中心 玉海(129)
乾隆中葉清與巴達克山關係考(1760—1767) 馬子木(139)
準清爭奪西藏的餘韻:昭地立汗問題 烏蘭巴根(151)
18世紀前期清朝、準噶爾、西藏、拉達克關係管窺——以拉達克喇嘛噶津林沁爲中心 陳柱(169)
《乾隆朝滿文寄信檔譯編》的史料價值特點略析 杜家驥(191)
被遺棄的歷史碎片:1772年大喇嘛羅卜藏堅贊奉乾隆皇帝之托忒文奏摺 葉爾達(203)
《塔爾巴哈台奏稿》與嘉慶時期新疆北部邊政研究 華立(213)
民國時期有關蒙地墾殖的兩種珍稀文獻 忒莫勒(229)
關於正黃旗滿洲副都統卜舒庫滿漢合璧碑 張閌(237)
蒙古國通史著作中所記之 Ts.丹巴道爾吉 劉迪南(245)
從醫學人類學與醫學史交叉視角試論蒙古族的整骨療法 財吉拉胡(253)
The Indictment of Ong Qa’an: The Earliest Reconstructable Mongolian Source on the Rise of Chinggis Khan Christopher P. Atwood(267)
The In.uence of Mongol Beliefs on the Law in the Mongol Empire Florence Hodous(303)
Арван Зургадугаар Зууны .еийн “Хоньчин” Гэх Цолыг Тодлох нь БоржигдайОюунбилэг(317)
Жаруудын хоёр хошууны нийгмийн з.рчил: 19 д.гээр зууны с..лч 20 дугаар зууны эхний хэрэг явдлуудаар сэдэвлэх нь Оюунгэрэл(335)
Улсын т.шээ г.н С.Жамьян монголшунханДанжуурыг Наянт вангаасзалсан т..хээс .г..лэх.й Ж.Урангуа Г.Баярмаа(345)
Н..дэлчин Малчдын Суурьшлын Тухай Шинжлэх нь Кодама Канаку(367)
Оуэн Латтиморын дурсамж СНINA MEMOIRS хэмээх номын Хятад орчуулгад гарсан асуудалНарангэрэл(375)
Наран улсын нэрт монголчэрдэмтэн Л.Чулуунбаатар(389)
『理藩院則例』の一規定とその背景—道光 3年のハルハ居住民人家屋焼き払い 事件を事例に— 佐藤憲行(393)
20世紀初頭,内モンゴル東部における「文契」と「地券」—ハラチン右旗土地 文書を中心に— 広川佐保(419)
中華民国期におけるモンゴル人の文化·教育活動: 1912~1932年を中心に 娜荷芽(437)キャフタ会議における中国政府の対応 ボルジギンフスレ(451)
1920年代の内モンゴルにおけるモンゴル語教科書編纂に関する研究 ウユンゴワ(烏雲高娃)(465)
モンゴル牧畜民による地形に関する認識と表象、過剰な知識―モンゴル国ウブルハンガイ県ハラホリン郡の事例から 辛嶋博善(477)
忘れ去られた天然林の大規模な伐採―中国内モンゴル渾善達克沙地を事例 にして― ナラン(491)
サイチンガと東洋大学 都馬 バイカル(505)


Foreword Borjigidai Oyunbilig(i)
FUTAKI Hiroshi—Bibliography Compiled by Sajirahu(1)
The Rise of Qaidu and the Expansion of the .gedei Family in Central Asia Sun Wenbo(11)
An Inspection and Narration of Aisin Gurun’s Granting Herding Lands to the Monglian Tribes that Had Pledged Allegiance to the State Sachuraltu(23)
Two Manchu Memorials to the Throne and the Culture of Using Seals in Qing and Chinese Ethnic HistoryChia Ning(39)
A Discussion on the Decline of Kharachin Three Banners’ Banner System: Based on a Survey ofSumus’ Population Zhu Sa(57)
An Inquiry to the Mongol Autumn and Court Assizes during the Qing Mongolkhuu(73)
On the Relationship between Gushri Khan and the Early Qing Imperial Court M. Erdenebaatar(103)
A Study on the Three Letters to the Mongolian Rulers by the Fifth Dalai Lama Wei Jiandong(117)
An Exploration and Analysis of the Formation of Juu Uda League and Its Problems during the Qing Based on the Archival Materials Housed in Ongnigud Right Banner’s Printing Office Yu Hai(129)
An Investigation on the Qing-Badakshan Relation in the Middle of Emperor Qianlong’s Reign (1760-1767) Ma Zimu(139)
Spreading Rumors as a Strategy in Competing for Influence in Tibet between Jungarian Khanate and the Qing CourtUlaanbagana(151)
A Limited View on the Relationship of the Qing Court, Dzungar Khanate, Tibet, and Ladakh in Early 18th Century Centering on Ladakh Lama Gajin Rincin Chen Zhu(169)
A Brief Analysis of the Value of Collection of Translated Letters in Manchu under Qianlong’s Reign as a Historical SourceDu Jiaji(191)
Da Lama Lobszangjanzan’s Tod Mongolian Memorial to Emperor Qianlong in 1772:A Forgotten Piece of History M. Erdemt(203)
A Study on the Memorial by Taerbahatai in Its Relation with the Qing Court’s Frontier Policies Regarding Northern Xinjiang during Emperor Jiajing’s Reign (1522-1566) Hua Li(213)
On Two Rare Texts Related to the Cultivation of Mongolian Wasteland in the Era of Republic of China (1912-1949) Tuimer(229)
On the Stele with Both Chinese and Manchu Inscriptions Dedicated to the Manchu Vice-general Bushuku of Plain Yellow Banner Zhang Kang(237)
The Ts. Dambadorj Depicted in the Works on the General History of Mongolia Liu Dinan(245)
An Attempted Discussion on the Mongolian Therapy of Bonesetting from an Interdisciplinary Perspective of Medical Anthropology and Medical History Saijirahu(253)
The Indictment of Ong Qa’an: The Earliest Reconstructable Mongolian Source on the Rise of Chinggis Khan Christopher P. Atwood(267)
The Influence of Mongol Beliefs on the Law in the Mongol Empire Florence Hodous(303)
A Study of the Sixteenth Century Mongolian Term Qon.in Borjigidai Oyunbilig(317)
On the Social Conflicts of Two Jarud Banners: Centering on Several Cases in the Late 19th to Early 20th Centuries Oyungerel(335)
A Study of Duke C. Jamiyan’s Request for Tibetan Buddhist Canons from King Nayant J. Urangua Г.Bayarmaa(345)
A Study on Inner Mongolian Herdsmen’s Life after Their Being Resettled KODAMA Kanako(367)
A Reexamination of the Chinese Translation of Owen Lattimore’s China Memoirs Narangerel(375)
FUTAKI Hiroki, a Renowned Japanese Scholar in the Field of Mongolian Studies L.Chuluunbaatar(389)
“The Regulation of Ministry of Foreign Affairs” and Its Social Background: A Case Study on the Event of Burning Chinese Houses in Khalkha Mongolia in the Third Year of Emperor Daoguang’s Reign SATO Noriyuki(393)
“Contracts” and “Certificates” in Eastern Inner Mongolia: Centering on the Historical Documents of Qaracin Right Banner in the Early 20th Century HIROKAWA Saho(419)
Cultural and Educational Activities in Mongolia in the Republican Era: Centering on the Years between 1912 and 1932 Naheya(437)
The Strategy the Qing Government Adopted in the Kyakhta Meeting Husel Borjigin(451)
A Study on the Compilation of Mongolian Textbooks in the 1920sOyungoo(465)
Cognition, Representation, and “Excessive” Knowledge about Terrains of Mongolian Pastoralists: A Case Study on Harhorin Sum,rhangai Aimag, and Mongolia KARASHIMA Hiroyoshi(477)
The Forgotten Natural Forests: A Case Study on the Hunshandake Sandy Land Naran(491)
Saichunga and Toyo University TOBA Baikal(505) List of Contributors(517)