2018年1月1日 星期一

Remembering Igor — Our Secret History







Remembering Igor:Our Secret History

Geremie R. Barmé



Igor de Rachewiltz played a key role in my life at The Australian National University (ANU) and in my near thirty-year career at that institution, including therefore the creation of the Australian Centre on China in the World (CIW) from 2009 and the building that houses the Centre. His devotion to scholarship on Mongolia, his vast learning, linguistic genius and uncompromising erudition has for many decades offered me inspiration and caution. His abilities and personal qualities made him a man of legend and achievement in a field that is notoriously difficult; it is a field that remains recondite although vitally interesting and important.

In 1988, I presented a seminar on Chinese confessional culture in the Department of Far Eastern History, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies (RSPAS). Igor was particularly enthusiastic during the Q&A session at the end of my talk. I had been interested in confessions and the topic of renewal since the end my student days in China in the late 1970s. As Maoist China collapsed and recanting the past and rehabilitating those wronged became a feature of life on Mainland China from late 1976 up until the early 1980s, I had become fascinated with how thinkers and writers were reflecting on confession and redemption.

Over those years, I traced the rise of the personal essay and memoirs of those recanting the past, or at least reflecting on it. In 1982, my version of Yang Jiang’s Six Chapters on a Cadre’s School Life 幹校六記 appeared; an expanded new edition was published in Australian in 1989 under the title Lost in the Crowd 陸沉. And, in 1984, I published a translation of the first volume of Ba Jin’s confessional Random Thoughts 隨想錄. The personal essay had been the subject of a speech I presented at the Jinshan International Conference on Chinese literature and translation officiated over by Wang Meng 王蒙, the Minister of Culture, and convened outside Shanghai in 1986. For my talk, I’d expanded on these ideas to include the topic of confessions: those influenced by Taoist and Buddhist traditions, Tan Sitong’s ‘An Exposition of Benevolence’ 仁學 and the calls for national repentance and renewal from the late nineteenth century. In my 1988 seminar presentation (or what, I would later realise, would be an informal part of a job application), I referred to recent Chinese scholarship on how Cultural Revolution struggle sessions reflexively employed elements of Taoist exorcism, on the use of Buddhist terminology in Communist party criticism and self-criticism culture from the early 1940s and the nexus between ritual, performance and politics in contemporary China. I discussed how writers — novelists and poets — used religious themes in work that reflected an underlying culture of self-reflection; I also touched on the Ledgers of Achievements and Failures 善惡功過格 popular in the Ming dynasty among literati interested in measuring their lives according to the metrics of their day. (After the events of June Fourth 1989, this work would take new form in my study of Liu Xiaobo and the protest movement, Confession Redemption and Death.)

***

I was nearing the end of my doctoral work with Pierre Ryckmans (who had left ANU for Sydney in 1986) and W.J.F. Jenner when I applied for two post-doctoral positions, both in the Research School. Igor was, I later learned, along with the Republican historian and George E. Morrison expert Lo Hui-min 駱慧敏, a champion of my application for the fellowship with Far Eastern History. I’d known of Igor and his work from my undergraduate years at ANU (1972-1974) and remember well my friend Daniel Kane, a PhD scholar who went on to become a Kitan expert, speaking of him in awe, so I was delighted when I was awarded the job. I started my formal, well, at least salaried, academic career in March 1989 as Igor’s junior colleague. Three years later, when the position came up again, he would once more play a crucial and outspoken role, along with our colleague the Japan historian Gavan McCormack and Gerard Ward, Director of the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, in guiding me through the thicket of obfuscation surrounding the position and helping me secure a second appointment which, after some further drama in that era of short-term, non-continuing contracts, would eventually lead after ten years as a contract employee to a permanent job.

Among my duties as a junior colleague in the old Far East, I was asked to take over the editorship of Papers on Far Eastern History. From 1990, I had the honour to publish Igor’s work on many occasions. In 1996, I had the thrill of being able to reprint his 1971 George E. Morrison Lecture, Prester John and Europe’s Discovery of East Asia, still essential reading for any serious historian of China; and, in 2006, the penultimate year of my editorship of the journal after fifteen years at the helm, we carried three pieces by Igor including Confucius in Mongolia and a note on the family tomb of Yelü Chu 耶律鑄 at the Summer Palace 頤和園 in Beijing.

Papers on Far Eastern History, which I edited for a year before Mark Elvin, head of the department and my editorial assistant, Helen Lo, and I transformed it into East Asian History, was the journal Igor had chosen to serialise his monumental, annotated The Secret History of the Mongols with commentary from 1973-1985 (later published by Brill in two volumes in 2003 and now available online in a concise edition). I learned in no uncertain terms about his punctilious attitude to editing, the complexities of Mongolian orthography and the spelling of Mongolian names and words, as well as his eagle-eye for editorial infelicities: I once allowed a few typographical errors to creep into an article of his (a long text that was dizzyingly replete with diacritics, non-English fonts, spellings and arcane expressions). As a result, Igor’s characteristic good humour and Mediterranean affability melted away and, in a mood of polite but pointed high dudgeon, he resigned from the editorial board of the journal and refused to publish with us until he felt that I had spent a suitable period confined to the ‘cold palace’ 冷宫 of his disdain. As our friendship evolved, he also shared with me his work on and insights into Altaic languages, something that in part inspired me to spend a summer studying Manchu with the noted Qing historian Mark Elliott and a small group of specialists at Harvard in 2010. That was a fateful year in many ways.

I’d been amused by Igor’s description of the emeritus offices near Sullivan’s Creek, next to the old Faculty of Asian Studies building, that he shared with a number of other Research School colleagues. He called it ‘The Departure Lounge’. I apologised to him when I selected (or rather fought for) and was allocated by the university that very site for the building of our Australian Centre on China in the World which I founded with Kevin Rudd in April 2010. The squat green (and very much non-heritage) bungalows of the Departure Lounge were demolished to make way for the Gerald Szeto-designed CIW building. It was with the greatest pleasure that I was able to invite Igor to return to the site. From 2014 until his passing last week he could often be found in his office there.

***

Igor unwittingly played an early role in the creation of the new Centre. In 2006-2007, I proposed and worked with colleagues to create an ANU China Institute as part of a longer-term plan, encouraged by my friend Mandy Thomas, an anthropologist of Vietnam and one of the university leaders, to develop an Australian Research Council bid for an ANU-based Centre of Excellence on New Sinology. In arguing for a China Institute there was the usual doleful split between narrow social scientists who wanted a Contemporary China Institute that would pursue their disciplinary obsessions, and those with a broader perspective on Chinese Studies that embraced a far more generous understanding of scholarship, the humanities and things Chinese. I was able to press the case for this more expansive vision with then-vice-chancellor Ian Chubb on many occasions, crucially including the time when Igor was presented with an Order of the Polar Star, the highest honour bestowed by the Mongolian parliament in mid 2007, by representatives of the Mongolian State Great Khural (Улсын Их Хурал). It was that year that Igor became an emeritus professor and, as the senior serving survivor of the old Department of Far Eastern History, I was asked to help officiate and speak at the award ceremony.

I only know (although not personally) of two other people who have received the Order of the Polar Star. One is Owen Lattimore, whose work featured in another journal I edited, and the other is the prominent US lawyer Eugene E. Theroux. His ‘para-legal’ activities beyond the serious concerns as a counsel with Baker & McKenzie included his hobby as a cartoonist which would lately be important to me: his whimsical illustrations for The Wall Street Journal and China Business Review helped inspire Karin Malmstrom and Nancy Nash to write The Man with the Key is not Here, a modest text about the China that lies in open view but behind the most obvious and simple expressions in the Chinese language. That small book features in the Heritage Glossary of this site. Theroux, brother of travel writer Paul and uncle to popular TV presenter Louis, established the first law firm in Beijing and worked with Mongolia for decades, and hence his Polar Star. Igor had his own adventures in the Mongolian world and I followed with curiosity his participation in a horse-back expedition that set out in search of the site of Genghis Khan’s tomb, and his subsequent comments on the controversy surrounding Burkhan Khaldun, a site he visited on the expedition, debating later attempts to identify it as the great khan’s burial place.

This was all a decade after Igor published one of his most popularly renowned works: a crushing refutation of Frances Wood’s 1995 best-selling book Did Marco Polo Go to China? Wood, a student from my days in China in the mid 1970s and eventually Curator of Chinese Collections at the British Museum, had something of a history of sensationalism and playing fast and loose with texts (John Minford had previously reviewed her translation of Dai Houying’s 戴厚英 novel Humanity 人,啊人! — published in English under the title Stones in the Wall — for Far Eastern Economic Reviewand found it marred by numerous errors and deleted literary references), so I was not surprised to learn that her blockbuster proved to be more bluster than scholarship.

In 1996, Igor shared with me the draft of his sixty-page review-essay of Wood’s book. After reading it, I recall discussing it with him outside the ANU Menzies Library. A mischievous smile played on his face and there was a steely glint in his eye as he told me that he had sent Ms Wood a copy of the review prior to publication so as to afford her an opportunity to comment on and correct his critique. In the event, he didn’t hear back from Wood and the review was duly published under the definitive title ‘Marco Polo Went to China’ (see Zentralasiatische Studien 27 (1997): 34-92; for a précis, see: here). Igor’s voice rings clarion clear in his conclusion:


I regret to say that F.W’s book falls short of the standard of scholarship that one would expect in a work of this kind. Her book can only be described as deceptive, both in relation to the author and to the public at large. Questions are posted that, in the majority of cases, have already been answered satisfactorily … her attempt is unprofessional; she is poorly equipped in the basic tools of the trade, i.e., adequate linguistic competence and research methodology…and her major arguments cannot withstand close scrutiny. Her conclusion fails to consider all the evidence supporting Marco Polo’s credibility.

It was because Igor’s devastating analysis (I naïvely thought such a forensic critique would be something of a career-killer) had but scant impact on that particular house of cards — in fact, Wood’s Marco Polo potboiler later inspired a TV ‘documentary’ — that it first dawned on me that we were living into what, long before the rise of Trumpismo, Farhad Manjoo early on called a ‘post-factual society’ (see his 2008 book True Enough: Learning to Live in a Post-fact Society and the author’s lecture on ‘truthiness’ here), one that resembled the mendacious Cultural Revolution China of the 1970s, which I had experienced as an exchange student two decades earlier.

Igor’s magisterial debunking of Wood led me over the years to gather in a piecemeal fashion material for what I hope will eventually be a volume in our China Heritage Annual series on the theme of ‘Fakes, Phoneys, Forgeries and Follies’.

***

It was around that time that, while going through old family papers, I discovered that Igor and I were possibly related by marriage. My great aunt, Harriet Stewart Dawson (née McNab) would, following the death of her Scottish-Australian husband the jeweller, night club owner and property magnate David Stewart Dawson (who, among other things, was a presence in Wellington before WWI), retired to their villa in Monte Carlo. It was there that she sought out, and found, a titled man to marry. He was Prince Radziwill (1870-1955), ‘Ordynat’ (entailed estate holder) of the Palace and estate of Antonin in Ostrow County, Poland. I think Igor, an elegant man of noble carriage, was rather nonplussed at the thought of this coincidental link; from mixed stock and confused heritage myself, I could only be amused.

I am profoundly grateful for Igor’s decades of support and encouragement; indebted to him for his understanding and appreciation of New Sinology, something that I first proposed in 2005. It was that formulation for the study of the Chinese world, past and present, that formed the basis, rationale and vision for the Australian Centre on China in the World. I will miss his profound scholarship and gentlemanly guidance. During my own recent illness from 2014-2015, I shared with Igor some rather obscure material I had been pursuing on Bolshevism and utopian socialist expeditions to Tibet and Mongolia in the 1920s, and he introduced me to his latest project, a translation of a Mongolian version of the Tibetan Saga of King Ge-sar of gLing (Geser Khaan). He suggested that I might like to serialise the translation in the virtual pages of The China Story Journal of which I was the founder and main editor until late 2015. After I relinquished my editorship, and as that online journal went into desuetude, Igor fortunately found a more appropriate home for his last work.

Igor came to ANU as a doctoral student in 1955, the year after I was born. He has passed away a month before I would leave Canberra, a place I called home for three decades.

I knew it was time to go.


6 August 2016
(Revised August 2017)

─────────────────────────────
This essay was written shortly after the death of Igor de Rackewiltz on 30 July 2016. It was initially circulated among friends and former colleagues. This is a revised version of that memoir and it should be read in tandem with Of Tartar Princesses, Poetry and Mongol Khans, also published by China Heritage.
 The Editor, China Heritage
3 August 2017



2017年12月30日 星期六

Igor de Rachewiltz: Education, Professional Experience & Publications








Education

1935-1948 Elementary, Middle & High School in various schools and colleges in Rome (M.              Colonna, S. Maria, S. Gabriele)
1947 HSC (Maturità Classica), Collegio S. Gabriele
1948-1951 Read Law, Asian History, Chinese and Mongolian at Rome University
1952-1955 Read Chinese, Japanese and other subjects at the Istituto Universitario Orientale, Naples,        while working in the FAO administration in Rome (Archives Section)
1955  Candidate for a Ph.D. scholarship at the Australian National University (ANU), Canberra
1956-1960  Completed the Ph.D. degree course in Asian History in the Department of Far Eastern            History, ANU
1961 Obtained the Ph.D. degree with a thesis entitled Sino-Mongol Culture Contacts in the Thirteenth Century: A Study of Yeh-lü Ch’u-ts’ai (699 pp.)

Languages 

Fluent Italian, English and French. Reading knowledge of Latin, Classical Greek, Spanish, German, Russian, Chinese, Japanese and Mongolian

 Appointments

Sept. 1960: Lecturer in Asian Civilisations, Canberra College July 1963: Senior Lecturer in Asian Civilisations, School of General Studies, ANU
 Aug. 1965: Fellow, Department of Far Eastern History, ANU
 July 1967: Senior Fellow, Division of Pacific and Asian History, ANU
 Jan. 1995: Visiting Fellow, Division of Pacific and Asian History, ANU
 Jan. 2007: Emeritus Fellow, Division of Pacific and Asian History, ANU Jan. 2011: Adjunct Professor, College of Asia and the Pacific, ANU Academic


Awards and Distinctions 

1972: Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities
1992: Honourable Member (and Medal) of the International Association for Mongol Studies, Ulan Bator
1997: Diploma of Honour, International Centre for Chinggis Khan Studies, Ulan Bator
1998: Knight of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic
 2001: Hon. Doctor in Letters and Philosophy, Faculty of Letters and Philosophy, University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’
 2003: Centenary Medal for Service to Australian Society and the Humanities in Asian Studies
2004: Gold Medal of the Permanent International Altaistic Conference (PIAC) 2 Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World
 2007: Polar Star Medal of the Mongolian Republic
 2007: Denis Sinor Medal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London Research Scholarships,


Visiting Professorships

 1962 (Oct.)-1963 (March): Research Scholar at the Tōyō Bunka Kenkyūjo, Tokyo, and Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyūjo, Kyoto
1970 (Nov.-Dec.): Visiting Professor and Guest Speaker, Oriental Institute, Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences, Prague, Czechoslovakia
 1971 (Jan.): Visiting Professor, East Asian Institute, Copenhagen University, Denmark
1979 (Sept.-Dec.): Visiting Professor in the Seminar für Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft Zentralasiens, Bonn University, on a Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst Fellowship
 1986 (April-June): Visiting Professor at ILCAA, Tōkyō Gaikokugo Daigaku, on a Japan Society for the Promotion of Science Fellowship
1988 (Sept.): Visiting Scholar at the Institute of Oriental Studies, Academy of Sciences, Moscow, on an Exchange Fellowship
1996 (March-May): Visiting Professor, Dipartimento di Studi Orientali, University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’
1999 (April-May): Visiting Professor, Dipartimento di Studi Orientali, University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’
2001 (April-May): Visiting Professor, Dipartimento di Studi Orientali, University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’ Guest Speaker and Lecturer at various universities and institutes (Melbourne, Sydney, Canberra, Seattle, St. Petersburg, Stockholm, Rome) on numerous occasions since 1965


Other Activities

1970: Member of the Editorial Board of East Asian History (formerly Papers on Far Eastern History) 1977: Member of the Faculty of Asian Studies Publication Committee, ANU
 1979: Member of the Sonderforschungsbereich 12 (‘Orientalistik unter besonderer Berücksichtigung Zentralasiens’), Bonn University
1987: Member of the Executive Committee of the International Association for Mongol Studies, Ulan Bator
1992: Vice-President of the International Association for Mongol Studies
2011: Member of the Mongolian Studies Centre, ANU 3 Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World

Publications

Books and Monographs

  1. Papal Envoys to the Great Khans. Faber & Faber, London, 1971. 230pp. Several unauthorized American reprints. (Translated into Farsi.)
  2. Index to the Secret History of the Mongols. Part I: Mongolian Text in Transcription; Part II: Word Index. Indiana University Publications, Uralic & Altaic Series, Vol. 121. Bloomington, 1972. 347pp. 
  3. Index to Biographical Material in Chin and Yüan Literary Works. First Series. Compiled by I. de Rachewiltz and M. Nakano. ANU Press, Canberra, 1970. 69pp. Idem. Second Series. Compiled by I. de Rachewiltz and May Wang. ANU Press, Canberra, 1972. 96pp. Idem. Third Series. Compiled by I. de Rachewiltz and May Wang. ANU Press, Canberra, 1979. 341pp. Repertory of Proper Names in Yüan Literary Sources, 3 vols. Compiled by I. de Rachewiltz and May Wang. Taipei, 1988. 2716pp. Idem, Vol. IV: Supplement. Compiled by I. de Rachewiltz and M. Wang, with the collaboration of C.C. Hsiao and with the assistance of S. Rivers, Taipei, 1996. 819pp. 
  4. Saγang Secen, Erdeni-yin Tobci (‘Precious Summary’). A Mongolian Chronicle of 1662. The Urga text transcribed and edited by M. Gò, I. de Rachewiltz, J.R. Krueger and B. Ulaan. Faculty of Asian Studies Monographs, New Series, No. 15, Canberra, 1990. xxiii, 270pp.
  5. Saγang Secen, Erdeni-yin Tobci (‘Precious Summary’). A Mongolian Chronicle of 1662. II: Word-Index to the Urga text prepared by I. de Rachewiltz and J. R. Krueger. Faculty of Asian Studies Monographs, New Series, No. 18, Canberra, 1991. x, 259pp. 
  6. I. de Rachewiltz, H.L. Chan, C.C. Hsiao and P.W. Geier (eds) with the assistance of M. Wang, In the Service of the Khan. Eminent Personalities of the Early Mongol-Yüan Period (1200-1300). Asiatische Forschungen, Vol. 121, Wiesbaden, 1993. xlvi, 808pp. (I. de Rachewiltz is both an editor of, and contributor to, this publication.)
  7.  A. Mostaert et I. de Rachewiltz, Le matériel mongol du Houa i i iu de Houng-ou (1389), II: Commentaires. Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques XXVII, Bruxelles, 1995. xxii, 146pp. The Mongolian Tan†ur Version of the Bodhicaryāvatāra. Edited and transcribed, with a Word-Index and a Photo-Reproduction of the Original Text (1748). Asiatische Forschungen, Vol. 129, Wiesbaden, 1996. xxii, 336pp. 
  8. The Secret History of the Mongols. A Mongolian Epic Chronicle of the Thirteenth Century. Translated with a historical and philological commentary by Igor de 4 Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World Rachewiltz, 2 vols., Brill’s Inner Asian Library 7/1 and 7/2, Leiden-Boston, 2004. cxxvii, 1347pp; 2nd (paperback) edition with additions and corrections, 2006. cxxvii, 1349pp. See below A.15. 
  9. I. de Rachewiltz and V. Rybatzki with the collaboration of Hung Chin-fu, Introduction to Altaic Philology: Turkic, Mongolian, Manchu. Handbook of Oriental Studies VIII.20, Brill, Leiden-Boston, 2010. xx, 446pp. 
  10. The Secret History of the Mongols. A Mongolian Epic Chronicle of the Thirteenth Century. Translated with a historical and philological commentary by Igor de Rachewiltz, vol. 3 (Supplement), Brill’s Inner Asian Library 7/3, Leiden,-Boston, 2013, xvi,. 226pp.

   Pamphlets

1.Prester John and Europe’s Discovery of East Asia. The 32nd G.E. Morrison Lecture in Ethnology. ANU Press, Canberra, 1972. 25pp. See below C.59.


Articles

1.    Yeh-lü Ch’u-ts’ai (1189-1243): Buddhist Idealist and Confucian Statesman’, in A.R. Wright and D. Twitchett (eds), Confucian Personalities, Stanford, 1962, pp.189-216 and 359-67. ‘The Hsi-yu lu by Yeh-lü Ch’u-ts’ai’, Monumenta Serica 21 (1962), 1-128.
2.    ‘Some Remarks on the Dating of the Secret History of the Mongols’, Monumenta Serica 24 (1965), 185-206.
3.    ‘Personnel and Personalities in North China in the Early Mongol Period’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 9 (1966), 88-144.
4.    ‘Some Remarks on the Language Problem in Yüan China’, The Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 5:1&2 (December 1967), 65-80. ‘Chingis Khan and the A.N.U. Computer’, Hemisphere 12:4 (April 1968), 9-15. ‘The Mongolian Poem of Mu¬ammad al-Samarqandī’, Central Asiatic Journal 12 (1968), 280-85.
5.    ‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Annotated Translation of Chapter I’, Bulletin of the Mongolia Society 9:1 (1970), 55-69.
6.    ‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapters I and II’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 4 (September 1971), 155-64. (Supersedes No.8.)
7.     ‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter III’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 5 (March 1972), 149-75. ‘The Ideological Foundations of Chingis Khan’s Empire’, Papers on Far Eastern History 7 (March 1973), 21-36. Paper read at the Second International Congress of Mongolists, Ulan Bator, September 1970, and since reprinted also in the Transactions of the Congress, Vol. II, Ulan Bator, 1973, pp.56-64. 5
8.     Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World ‘Some Remarks on the Khitan Clan Name Yeh-lü~I-la’, Papers on Far Eastern History 9 (March 1974), 187-204.
9.    ‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter IV’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 10 (September 1974), 55-82.
10.‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter V’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 13 (March 1976), 41-75. ‘Some Remarks on the Stele of Yisüngge’ in W. Heissig et al. (eds), Tractata Altaica (D. Sinor Festschrift), Wiesbaden, 1976, pp.487-508.
11.Biographies of Fang Hui and Liu Yü in H. Franke (ed.), Sung Biographies, Wiesbaden, 1976, Vol. I, pp.349-55; Vol. II, pp.656-60.
12.‘Muqali, Bòl, Tas and An-t’ung’, Papers on Far Eastern History 15 (March 1977), 45-62. ‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter VI’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 16 (September 1977), 27-65.
13.‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter VII’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 18 (September 1978), 43-80.
14.‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter VIII’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 21 (March 1980), 17-57.
15.‘Some Remarks on Töregene’s Edict of 1240’. Papers on Far Eastern History 23 (March 1981), 38-63.
16. ‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter IX’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 23 (March 1981), 111-46.
17.‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter X’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 26 (September 1982), 39-84.
18. ‘On a Recently Discovered MS. of ƒinggis Qaγan’s Precepts to His Younger Brothers and Sons’, in L.A. Hercus et al. (eds), Indological and Buddhist Studies. Volume in Honour of Professor J.W. de Jong on His Sixtieth Birthday, Canberra, 1982, pp.427-39.
19.‘More About the Story of ƒinggis-qan and the Peace-Loving Rhinoceros’, in A.R. Davis and A.D. Stefanowska (eds), Austrina.
20.Essays in Commemoration of the 25th Anniversary of the Founding of the Oriental Society of Australia, Sydney 1982, pp.13-29.
21.‘The Preclassical Mongolian Version of the Hsiao-ching’, Zentralasiatische Studien 16 (1982), 7-109.
22.‘Turks in China Under the Mongols: A Preliminary Investigation of Turco-Mongol Relations in the 13th and 14th Centuries’, in M. Rossabi (ed.), China Among Equals. The Middle Kingdom and its Neighbors, 10th-14th Centuries, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, University of California Press, 1983, pp.281-310.
23.‘Two Recently Published Pai-tzu Discovered in China’, Acta Orientalia Hung. 36 (1983), 413-176
24. Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World ‘Qan, Qa’an and the Seal of Güyüg’, in K. Sagaster and M. Weiers (eds), Documenta Barbarorum. Festschrift für Walther Heissig zum 70. Geburtstag, Wiesbaden, 1983, pp.272-81.
25.‘On a Recent Translation of the Meng-Ta pei-lu and Hei-Ta shih-lüeh: A Review-Article’, Monumenta Serica 35 (1981-83), 571-82. ‘Ch’iu Ch’u-chi (1148-1227)’ with T. Russell, Papers on Far Eastern History 29 (March 1984), 1-26.
26.‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter XI’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 30 (September 1984), 81-160.
27.‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Chapter XII’. Translation and Commentary. Papers on Far Eastern History 31 (March 1985), 21-93.
28.‘On the Expression ƒul Ul†a’ur (? = ƒöl Ol†a’ur) in Paragraph 254 of The Secret History of the Mongols, in J. Fletcher et al. (eds), Niœu„a Bi„ig. Pi Wên Shu. An Anniversary Volume in Honor of Francis Woodman Cleaves, Journal of Turkish Studies 9 (1985), pp.213-17.
29.‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Additions and Corrections’, Papers on Far Eastern History 33 (March 1986), 129-38.
30.‘More About the Preclassical Version of the Hsiao-ching’, Zentralasiatische Studien 19 (1986), 27-37. ‘The Chinese Inscription of 1279 on the Establishment of the Hsüan-wei Commandery’, Rocznik Orientalistyczny 45,2 (1987), 5-13.
31. ‘Ou, Mei, Ao ti Meng-ku hsüeh yen-chiu mu-ch’ien  ch’ing-k’uang chi yen-chiu ch’ü-hsiang’ (‘Mongolian Studies in Europe, America and Australasia: Achievements and Perspectives’), Minzu Yicong 1988:2, 59-62.
32.‘The Third Chapter of Chos-kyi ‘od-zer’s Translation of the Bodhicaryāvatāra: A Tentative Reconstruction’, in G. Gnoli and L. Lanciotti (eds), Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, Serie Orientale Roma LVI, 3, Roma, 1988, pp.1173-1200.
33.‘The Title ƒinggis Qan/Qaγan Re-examined’, in W. Heissig and K. Sagaster (eds), Gedanke und Wirkung. Festschrift zum 90. Geburtstag von Nikolaus Poppe, Wiesbaden, 1989, pp.281-98. (Translated into Chinese.)
34.‘Dante’s Aleppe: A Tartar Word in Tartarus?’, in Proceedings  of the XXVIII Permanent International Altaistic Conference Venice 8-14 July 1985, Wiesbaden, 1989, pp.57-71.
35.‘Some Remarks on the Manuscript Copies, Printed Editions and Transcriptions of the Altan Tob„i of Blo-bza¯ bstan-’jin’, Studia Historica Mongolica 3 (1989), 198-205. (Translated into Chinese.) ‘Brief Comments on Professor Yü Ta-chün’s Article “On the Dating of the Secret History of the Mongols”,’ Monumenta Serica 37 (1986-87), 305-9 (actual date of publication 1989). 7
36.Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World ‘The expression Qa†aru Inerü in Paragraph 70 of The Secret History of the Mongols’, in P. Daffinà (ed.), Indo-Sino-Tibetica. Studi in onore di Luciano Petech, Studi Orientali, Vol. IX, Rome, 1990, pp.283-90.
37.ƒeveng, ‘The Darqad and the Uriyangqai of Lake Köbsögöl’, translated by I. de Rachewiltz and J. R. Krueger, commentary by I. de Rachewiltz, East Asian History 1 (June 1991), 55-80.
38.G. di Pian di Carpine, Storia dei Mongoli, a cura di  P. Daffinà, C. Leonardi, M.C. Lungarotti, E. Menestò, L. Petech. Spoleto, 1989.
39.Review article in Rivista degli Studi Orientali 64 (1990), 420-29. ‘Some Reflections on Paragraph One of The Secret History of the Mongols’, Fifth International Congress of Mongolists, Collected papers published by the International Association for Mongol Studies, II, Ulan Bator, 1992, pp.337-43.
40.‘Three Mongolian Chronicles’, Mongolica, 1 [22] (1990), 71-79. ‘Some Reflections on ƒinggis Qan’s ‡asaγ’, East Asian History 6 (December 1993), 91-104.
41.‘Some Remarks on Written Mongolian’, in Chang Chün-i (ed.), International Symposium on Mongolian Culture, Taipei, 1993, pp.123-36. See below C.67.
42.‘The Secret History of the Mongols: Some Fundamental Problems’, Bulletin of the International Association for Mongol Studies 1993 (2)-1994 (1), 3-10.
43.‘The Mongols Rethink Their Early History’, in The East and the Meaning of History, Dip. di Studi Orientali, Università di Roma ‘La Sapienza’, Rome, 1994, pp.357-80. (Translated into Mongolian.) ‘Genghis Khan – Profile of a Man’, in B. Huldorj (ed.), Mongolia and the Mongols. Proceedings of the First Mongolian Seminar 24-25 November 1995, Canberra, 1996, pp.2-6.
44.ƒeveng, ‘The Dörbed’, translated by I. de Rachewiltz and J.R. Krueger, commentary by I. de Rachewiltz, East Asian History 10 (Dec. 1995), 53-78. ‘Some Puzzling Words in The Secret History of the Mongols’, Mongolica 6 [27] (1995), 278-86. 56.
45. ‘The Name of the Mongols in Asia and Europe’, Etudes mongoles et sibériennes 27 (1996), 199-210. ‘Hybrid Chinese of the Mongol Period (13th-14th c.)’, in S.A. Wurm, P. Mühlhäuser, D.T. Tryon (eds), Atlas of Languages of Intercultural Communication in the Pacific, Asia and the Americas. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin-New York, 1996, pp. 905-6.
46.S.A. Wurm with I. de Rachewiltz, ‘Contact Languages and Language Influences in Mongolia’, in S.A. Wurm, P. Mühlhäuser, D.T. Tryon (eds), Atlas of Languages of Intercultural Communication in  the Pacific, Asia and the Americas. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin-New York, 1996, pp. 909-12. 8
47.Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World ‘Prester John and Europe’s Discovery of East Asia’, East Asian History 11 (June 1996), 59-74. A revised version of the 32nd G.E. Morrison Lecture in Ethnology. See above B.1.
48. ƒeveng, ‘The Qotong, the Bayad and the Ögeled’, translated by I. de Rachewiltz and J.R. Krueger, commentary by I. de Rachewiltz, East Asian History 12 (December 1996), 105-20.
49.‘Marco Polo Went to China’, Zentralasiatische Studien 27 (1997), 34-92.
50. ‘Searching for ƒinggis Qan: Notes and Comments on Historic Sites in Xentiĭ Aĭmag, Northern Mongolia’, Rivista degli Studi Orientali 71 (1997), 239-56 (with 4 ill.)
51.ƒeveng, ‘The Mingγad, the ‡aqa„in, the Torγud, the Qošud and the ƒaqar’, translated by I. de Rachewiltz and J.R. Krueger, commentary by I. de Rachewiltz, East Asian History 13/14 (June-Dec. 1997), 119-32.
52.‘A Note on the Word Börte in the Secret History of the Mongols’, East Asian History 13/14 (June-Dec. 1997), 153-55. \\
53.‘On a Puzzling Word in the Sino-Mongolian Inscription of 1335 in Memory of Chang Ying-jui’, Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher, N.F. 15 (1997/98), 255-59.
54. ‘Father Antoine Mostaert’s Contribution to the Study of the Secret History of the Mongols and the Hua-i i-yü’, in K. Sagaster (ed.), Antoine Mostaert (1881-1971), C.I.C.M. Missionary and Scholar, Vol. I: Papers, Leuven, 1999, pp. 93-109.
55.‘Some Reflections on So-Called Written Mongolian’, in H. Eimer, M. Hahn, M. Schetelich, P. Wyzlic (eds), Studia Tibetica et Mongolica (Festschrift Manfred Taube), Swisttal-Odendorf, 1999, pp. 235-46.
56.A revised version of C.50. ‘Was Töregene Qatun Ögödei’s “Sixth Empress”?’, East Asian History 17/18 (June-Dec. 1999), 71-6.
57.ƒeveng, ‘The Dariγangγa, the State of the Uriyangqai of the Altai, the Qasaγ and the Qamniγan’, translated by I. de Rachewiltz and J.R. Krueger, commentary by I. de Rachewiltz, East Asian History 19 (June 2000), 53-86.
58. ‘The Identification of Geographical Names in The Secret History of the Mongols §§ 1-202’, in Sino-Asiatica, pp. 73-85. See below D.9. ‘A Note on Hu Ssu-hui’s Name’,  in Kong Yun-cheung and Hu Shiu-ying (eds & ann.), Yin-shan cheng-yao hsin-pien, The Chinese University Press, Sha Tin, N.T., Hong Kong, 2004, pp. xix-xxi.
59.‘The Missing First Page of the Preclassical Mongolian Version of the Hsiao-ching: A Tentative Reconstruction’, East Asian History 27 (June 2004), 51-6.
60.‘On the Sheng-wu ch’in-cheng lu 聖武親征錄’, East Asian History 28 (December 2004), 35-44.
61. ‘A Faulty Reading in the Safe Conduct of Abaγa’, Journal of Asian History 39 (2005), 177-80
62.‘Some Remarks on the Chih-yüan i-yü 元譯語 alias Meng-ku i-yü 蒙古譯語, the First Known Sino-Mongol Glossary’, Acta Orientalia Hung. 59 (2006), 11-28. 9
63.Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World ‘Notes on F.W. Cleaves: An Early Mongolian Version of the Hsiao Ching.
64.Chapters One to Eighteen’, Acta Orientalia Hung. 60 (2007), 247-71. ‘The Genesis of the Name “Yeke Mongγol Ulus”’, East Asian History 31 (2006), 53-6.
65.‘Confucius in Mongolian. Some Remarks on the Mongol Exegesis of the Analects’, East Asian History 31 (2006), 57-64. ‘A Note on Yelü Zhu 耶律鋳 and His Family’, East Asian History 31 (2006), 65-74.
66.‘Heaven, Earth and the Mongols in the Time of Činggis Qan and His Immediate Successors (ca. 1160-1260) – A Preliminary Investigation’, in N. Golvers and S. Lievens (eds), A Lifelong Dedication to the China Mission. Essays Presented in Honor of Father Jeroom Heyndrickx, CICM, on the Occasion of His 75th Birthday and the 25th Anniversary of the F. Verbiest Institute K.U. Leuven, Leuven Chinese Studies 17, Leuven, 2007, pp. 107-39.
67.‘The Dating of the Secret History of the Mongols – A Re-interpretation’, Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher, N.F. 22 (2008), 150-84.
68.Books and Articles edited by I. de Rachewiltz A. Mostaert, Le matériel mongol du Houa i i iu de Houng-ou (1389), I. Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques XVIII, Bruxelles, 1977. 143pp. (Introduction by I. de Rachewiltz, 23pp.)
69.H.H. Chan, ‘Wang O (1190-1273)’, Papers on Far Eastern History 12 (September 1975), 43-70.
70.H.L. Chan, ‘Yang Huan (1186-1255)’, Papers on Far Eastern History 14 (September 1976), 37-59. ‘Der Blockdruck des Xiàojīng aus dem Palastmuseum in chinesischer und mongolischer Sprache’, Zentralasiatische Studien 12 (1978), 159-235.
71.H.L. Chan, ‘Yao Shu (1201-1278)’, Papers on Far Eastern History 22 (September 1980), 17-50.
72.H.L. Chan, ‘Yang Wei-chung (1206-1260)’ Papers  on Far Eastern History 29 (March 1984), 27-44.
73.C.C. Hsiao, ‘Yen Shih (1182-1240)’, Papers on Far Eastern History 33 (March 1986), 113-28.
74.A. Mostaert, ‘Quelques problèmes phonétiques dans la transcription en caractères chinois du texte mongol du Iuen tch’ao pi cheu’, edited by I. de Rachewiltz and P.W. Geier, in K. Sagaster (ed.), Antoine Mostaert (1881-1971), C.I.C.M. Missionary and Scholar, Vol. I: Papers, Leuven, 1999, pp. 225-71.
75.Sino-Asiatica. Papers Dedicated to Professor Liu Ts’un-yan on the Occasion of His Eighty-fifth Birthday, edited by Wang Gungwu, Rafe de Crespigny and Igor de Rachewiltz, Canberra, 2002. 241pp.
76. ‘Index of Mongol and Chinese Proper and Geographical Names in the Sheng-wu ch’in-cheng lu 聖武親征錄’, by P. Pelliot and L. Hambis, edited by I. de Rachewiltz, 10
77. Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World East Asian History 28 (December 2004), 45-52.
78.F.W. Cleaves, ‘An Early Mongolian Version of the Hsiao Ching. 1. Facsimile of the Bilingual Text’, with an introduction by I. de Rachewiltz, Acta Orientalia Hung. 59 (2006), 241-82.
79.F.W. Cleaves, ‘An Early Mongolian Version of the Hsiao Ching. 2. Chapters Ten to Thirteen’, revised and edited by I. de Rachewiltz, Acta Orientalia Hung. 59 (2006), 393-406.
80.F.W. Cleaves, ‘An Early Mongolian Version of the Hsiao Ching. 3. Chapters Fourteen to Seventeen’, revised and edited by I. de Rachewiltz, Acta Orientalia Hung. 60 (2007), 145-60.
Book Reviews
81.P. Filippani-Ronconi, Storia del pensiero cinese, Torino, 1964, in Monumenta Serica 22 (1963), 537-39.
82.P. Ratchnevsky, Historisch-terminologisches Wörterbuch der Yüan-Zeit, Medizinwesen, Berlin, 1967, in Asia Major 14 (1968), 122-23.
83.W. Chapman, Kublai Khan: Lord of Xanadu, New York and Indianapolis, 1966, in Pacific Affairs 42.2 (Summer 1969), 229-30.
84.R. Grousset, Conqueror of the World, tr. D. Sinor and M. MacKellar, Edinburgh and London, 1967, in Pacific Affairs 43:2 (Summer 1970), 284-85.
85.D. Sinor, Inner Asia: A Syllabus, Bloomington, 1969, in Journal of the American Oriental Society 92 (1972), 162-63.
86. G. Kara, Chants d’un barde mongol, Budapest, 1970, in Asia Major 18 (1973), 227-28.
87.L. Ligeti (ed.), Histoire secrète des Mongols, Budapest, 1971; Monuments préclassiques I. Indices verborum linguae Mongolicae monumentis traditorum I, Budapest, 1970, in Asia Major 18 (1973), 229-32.
88.W. Heissig assisted by Ch. Bawden, Catalogue of Mongol books, Manuscripts and Xylographs, The Royal Library, Copenhagen, 1971, in Asia Major 19 (1975), 264-65.
89. L. Ligeti, Monuments en écriture ‘phags-pa. Pièces de chancellerie en transcription chinoise. Indices verborum linguae Mongolicae monumentis traditorum III, Budapest, 1973; Idem, Trésor des sentences. Monum. linguae Mong. collecta IV, Budapest, 1973; Idem, Trésor des sentences. Indices verb. linguae Mong. mon. trad. IV, Budapest, 1973, in Monumenta Serica 33 (1977-78), 493-97.
90.W. Heissig, Die mongolischen Handschriften-Reste aus Olon süme, Innere Mongolei (16.-17. Jhdt.), Wiesbaden, 1976, in Ural-altaische Jahrbücher, N.F. 1 (1981), 297-99. 11
91.Igor de Rachewiltz, Visiting Fellow, Australian Centre on China in the World Jacob d’Ancona, The City of Light, tr. and ed. by D. Selbourne, London, 1997; reviewed by I. de Rachewiltz and D.D. Leslie in Journal of Asian History 32 (1998), 180-85.


Other Minor Contributions

93.Items 204 and 221 in the Revue Bibliographique de Sinologie, No.2 (1956), 86 and 91.
94.Obituary for Otto B. van der Sprenkel in the Proceedings 1979 of The Australian Academy of the Humanities, Sydney University Press, 1979, pp.49-51.
95.Items on pp. 26, 38, 46 and 92 of  V. Gómez i Oliver, XLIX Sonets d’amor, I: Contracant amoros, Barcelona, 1997. Several footnotes in Hung Chin-fu, Documents on the Censorial System of Yüan China (in Chinese), Taipei, 2003.
96.The ‘Introduction’ to ‘Fourth Supplement to the Ku-shu i-i chü-li’ by P’ei Hsüeh-hai, tr. by Archilles Fang, repr. in Monumenta Serica 50 (2002), 549-50.

Unpublished Works
97.Sino-Mongol Culture Contacts in the Thirteenth Century: A Study of Yeh-lü Ch’u-ts’ai. Ph.D. thesis, The Australian National University, Canberra, 1960. 699pp.
98.Paul the Deacon, History of the Langobards, newly translated from Latin and annotated by K.H.J. Gardiner and I. de Rachewiltz, Canberra, 1977. viii, 340pp.



2017年11月23日 星期四

蒙古一詞再議


The Term “Mongγol” Revisited (蒙古一詞再議) 一文已於近日出版。該文擬就歷史文獻和蒙漢對音兩方面切入,以說明「蒙古」一詞乃源自蒙古的發源地「望建」河。全文刊登於Central Asiatic Journal 60 (2017)1/2, pp.183-206,下面為文章的部分章節。

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The Term “Mongγol” Revisited 

Kam Tak-sing甘德星

 

Landscape at the confluence of the Ergüne River and the Shilka River . Photo by Wei-chi ren, 2005




V.  MONG ΓOOL: GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES
          If my hypothesis is correct, there is good reason to assume that the term Mongγol, which is cognate with the hydronym Wang-chien, is derived from the indigenous Mong Γool,[1] the river proposed by Banzarov.[2]  According to Kowalewski, the word mong means ‘riche, opulent; fougueux, impétueux’,[3] the Mong Γool, as such, must have been a fast-flowing river.  This interpretation is corroborated by the fact that the Ergüne River, especially the section from Chi-la-lin 吉拉林 (or Shih-wei) to Lian-yin 連崟,[4] where the early Mongols are known to have settled,[5]flows rapidly.[6]  The name Kiyan (Kiān)[7]乞顏 (kǐət ŋan),[8] one of the two legendary Mongol groups that migrated to the Ergüne Qun, the Mongols’ homeland, echoes this thesis.  According to Rašīd-al Dīn, Kiyan means in Mongolian ‘a rushing torrent from the mountains’.[9]  Moreover, the geographical features of the Ergüne Qun, which, as pointed out by Rašīd-al Dīn, means ‘sloping cliff’, are faithfully reflected by the steep slopes that characterize this particular section of the Ergüne River figs. 2 and 3, as the present-day toponym Lian-yin, which reflects the hilly terrain of the region, also suggests.
The use of the word γool in the ethnonym may seem to contradict what I have noted earlier, i.e., it first appears only in sources published after the 13th century, such as the Mongγol-un ni'uča tobča'an and the various Sino-Mongolian glossaries.  Nonetheless, the naming by the Tibetans of a river south of the Kokonor as Jima Gol~Khol (Ch. Ta-fei Ch'uan大非川[10] < Mo. Dabu(sun) γool[11]) in the seventh century demonstrates beyond a doubt that the term γool was in use during T'ang times.  This Mongol vocable must have been brought by the T'u-yü-hun, a Hsien-pi group,[12] when they migrated from Mongolia to the Kokonor area in the fourth century.  The fact that the Dagur language, which preserves the Middle Mongolian forms, has the same word γol, adds credence to our argument.[13]

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[1]Another possible derivation is Möngke Γool, i.e., an ever-flowing river that provided the early Mongols with a reliable source of water. The change from Möngke Γool to Mong Γool can be deduced as follows. Owing to haplology, the syllable -ke in möngke was dropped when merged with the following γool, which was contracted simultaneously to become -γol. The ö in the first syllable of the merged word, because of vowel harmony with the resultant -γol, was further changed to o through regressive assimilation. Though a tantalizing alternative, Möngke Γool is a less likely derivation than Mong Γool because of the complicated process of linguistic change involved.

[2]It is interesting to note that one of the tributaries draining into the Hei-lung-chiang is known as the Mo Ho 漠河 River (or Mu Ho 木河 in Ming times) and that the County named after it is known to have been inhabited by the Shih-wei people. [See Mo Ho hsien-chih 漠河縣志, ed. Wang Shu-ts'ai 王樹才 (Peking: Chung-kuo ta pai-k'e ch'üan shu ch'u-pan she, 1993), pp. 1, 57-6, 107, 657]. However, no reference is made to this river in T’ang sources, and its medieval reading mak γa (Kuo, Ku-yin, pp. 17, 26) does not quite match the term Mongol.

[3]J. E. Kowalewski, Dictionnaire mongol-russe-français, vol. 3 (Kazan, 1844; reprint, Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 1993), p. 2029a. Kowalewski’s definition is obviously a translation of I. J. Schmidt, Mongolisch-Deutsch-Russisches Wörterbuch, nebst einem deutschen und einem russischen Wortregister (St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, W. Graeff und Glasunow, and Leipzig:Leopold Voss, 1835), p. 217b: ‘reich, űberflűssig; trotzig, driest’. Though rarely seen, the word mong is not a hapax legomenon. Its use is attested in the Qorin naimatu tayilburi toli (Kőkeqota: Őbőr Monγol-un arad-un keblel-ün qoriy-a, 1994), p. 1205, where the phrase mong song ügei is glossed as ‘masi elbeg delbeg,’  and in the Mongol kelen-ü toli (Kőkeqota: Őbőr Monγol-un arad-un keblel-ün qoriy-a, 1999), p. 1870, where the phrase mong ügei is also glossed as ‘elbeg delbeg’. Its existence is furthermore mirrored by its Oyirad counterpart moη, which carries the same meanings of ‘keck, trotzig’ as Kowalewski’s and is used similarly to constitute a toponym (moη-χamγ̥ name eines sandberges bei Sarepta a. d. Wolga). See G. J. Ramstedt, Kalmückisches Wörterbuch (Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura, 1935), p. 264b and H.A. Zwick, Handbuch der Westmongolischen Sprache (Villingen: Ferd. Forderer, 1853), p. 266b, on which the former is based.

[4] Mo Ho Hsien-chi, p. 105; Hsü Chan-chiang et al., eds. Hu-lun Hu chi, p. 37; Hei-lung-chiang chi-kao, chüan 3, pp. 320-321; chüan 4, p. 571.

[5] Recent archaeological discoveries provide evidence that the early Mongols lived in the Ergüne River basin. Their presence is confirmed by the tree-trunk coffins found in the vicinity of the confluence of the Shilka River and the Ergüne River (fig. 1). These coffins, which date from the 8th century to the 9th century, are hollowed out of a massive log, and are typical of those used by the Mongols who later nomadized the Eurasian steppes. The Russian archaeologists who discovered these coffins in the late 1980s call the culture they represent the Dabsun culture. Similar dugout coffins dated around the 10th century have been discovered in West Wu-chu-erh西烏珠爾 and Hsieh-erh-t’a-la謝爾塔拉north of Hu-lun Lake, showing the Mongols’ gradual migration southward. It is from the Hu-lun Lake region that the Mongols moved further west and settled in the Onon River basin since the 10th century. See Lin Mei-ts’un林梅村, Sung Mo Chih Chien 松漠之間(Peking: San-lien shu-tien, 2007), pp. 256-57, Chung-kuo she-hui k’e-hsüeh yüan et al., Hai-la-erh Hsieh-erh-t’a-la mu-ti海拉爾謝爾塔拉墓地 (Peking: K’e-hsüeh ch’u-pan she, 2006).

[6] Rivers in this area flow swiftly. A tributary of the Ergüne now known as the Chi-liu River激流河, as its name suggests, is one such example.

[7] Shi Chi, vol.1 part 1, p.252. For the term Kiyan, see Cha-ch’i-ssu-ch’in, Meng-ku mi-shih hsin-yi ping chu-shih 蒙古秘史新譯並注釋 (Taipei: Lien-ching ch’u-pan shi-yeh kung-ssu, 1979), p. 44, note 2.

[8] Kuo, Ku-yin, p.74, 199.

[9] Shi Chi, vol.1 part 1, p.252. The Mongols’ penchant for evoking a hydronym to name themselves is also evidenced in the term Činggis, which is derived from the Turkic word teŋiz, meaning ‘ocean’. See Gerard Clauson, An Etymological Dictinary of Pre-Thirteehth Century Turkish, p.527.

[10]Christopher I. Beckwith, The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 33, note 109. Note that γool was not used by the Turks to mean river in the T'ang period as Beckwith claims. See Clauson, Etymological Dictionary of Pre-thirteenth Century Turkish, p. 715, where it is noted that kö:l (g-) is ‘never used for “sea”, or for “river”’.

[11]Chou Wei-chou 周偉洲, ‘Ta-fei yü Mo-li 大非與墨離’, in Hsi-pei li-shih yen-chiu 西北歷史研究 (Shan-hsi: San Ts'ing ch'u-pan she, 1990), pp. 129-34.

[12]On the linguistic affinity between the Hsien-pi and T'u-yü-hun languages, see Ch'en Chien 陳踐 and Wang Yao 王堯, Tung-huang T'u-po wen-hsien hsüan 敦煌吐蕃文獻選 (Peking: Min-tsu ch'u-pan she, 1983), p. 162 and Paul Pelliot, ‘Notes sur les T'ou-yu-houen et les Sou-p'i’, T'oung Pao, vol. 20 (1921), pp. 323-30.

[13]Nicholas Poppe, Grammar of Written Mongolian, p.2; Na-shun ta-lai那順達來, Niakan Daor Bulku biteg (Hu-ho-hao-t’e: Nei Meng-ku ta-hsüeh ch’u-pan-she, 2001), p. 128.




(國立中正大學滿洲研究班甘德星)


2017年11月14日 星期二

Companions in Geography: East-West Collaboration in the Mapping of Qing China (c.1685-1735)




Mario Cams, University of Macau
ISBN13: 9789004345355
E-ISBN: 9789004345362
Publication Date: July 2017
Format: Hardback
Pages, Illustr.: xiv, 280 pp.


In Companions in Geography Mario Cams revisits the early 18th century mapping of Qing China, without doubt one of the largest cartographic endeavours of the early modern world. Commonly seen as a Jesuit initiative, the project appears here as the result of a convergence of interests among the French Academy of Sciences, the Jesuit order, and the Kangxi emperor (r. 1661-1722). These connections inspired the gradual integration of European and East Asian scientific practices and led to a period of intense land surveying, executed by large teams of Qing officials and European missionaries. The resulting maps and atlases, all widely circulated across Eurasia, remained the most authoritative cartographic representations of continental East Asia for over a century.

This book is based on Dr. Mario Cams' dissertation, which has been awarded the "2017 DHST Prize for Young Scholars" from the International Union of the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology, Division of History of Science and Technology (IUHPST/DHST).



Table of contents
Acknowledgements

List of Illustrations

Introduction: Towards a New Cartography of Cross-cultural Circulation
 1 Situating the Study
 2 Delineation and Approach
 3 Cartography and the Jesuit Missions to China
 4 Chapter Overview

1 Instruments for the Emperor: New Frontiers, New Practices
 1.1 An Instrumental Convergence of Interests
  1.1.1 The Académie and the Instrument Market in Paris
  1.1.2 The King’s Mathematicians’ Interest in Cartography
  1.1.3 Paris-made Instruments for the French Mission
 1.2 Improving Cartographies: An Emperor’s Quest
  1.2.1 The Kangxi Emperor’s Cartographic Aspirations
  1.2.2 Qing Statecraft and Cartographic Practice
  1.2.3 The Qing Court’s Appropriation of Paris-made Instruments
 1.3 Frontier Matters: New Qing Cartographic Practice
  1.3.1 Integrating the Khalka: Exploring a New Frontier
  1.3.2 The 1698 Preliminary Survey
  1.3.3 Re-standardizing the Qing’s Most Basic Unit of Length
  Conclusion

Intermission One: Missionaries or Mapmakers? The Mapping Project and its Place in the Mission
  Justifying Missionary Involvement
  The Unauthorized Return of Joachim Bouvet
  Conclusion

2 Of Instruments and Maps: The Land Surveys in Practice
 2.1 Beyond the Passes: Observations and Calculations
  2.1.1 New Qing Cartographic Practice along the Great Wall
  2.1.2 Revisiting the Manchu Homelands and Northern Frontiers
  2.1.3 Strategic Expeditions into Korea and Tibet
 2.2 The Logistics in Mapping the Chinese Provinces
  2.2.1 Moving South: Sequence, Timing and Strategies
  2.2.2 Directed from the Center: The Emperor and His Administration
  2.2.3 Team Composition and Local Support
 2.3 The Imperial Workshops Connection
  2.3.1 Mapmakers from the Inner Palace
  2.3.2 European Technical Experts and Assistants
  2.3.3 The Logistical Centrality of the Imperial Workshops
  Conclusion

Intermission Two: Missionaries and Mapmakers: Missionary Activity during the Land Surveys
  The Restitution of Church Buildings
  The Impact of the Chinese Rites Controversy
  Conclusion

3 The Afterlife of Maps: Circulation, Adaptation, and Negotiation
 3.1 The Printed Life of the Overview Maps of Imperial Territories
  3.1.1 The Woodblock Editions
  3.1.2 The Copperplate Editions
  3.1.3 Imperially Commissioned Compilations and Later Renditions
 3.2 The European Incorporation of a Qing Atlas
  3.2.1 Early Transmissions and Reception in Europe
  3.2.2 Contracting Jean-Baptiste Bourguingon d’Anville
  3.2.3 Intercultural Adaptation: d’Anville’s Regional Maps
 3.3 Beijing, Paris and Saint Petersburg: Negotiating the Gaps
  3.3.1 d’Anville’s General Maps and the Paris-Saint Petersburg Connection
  3.3.2 The Saint Petersburg Connection to Beijing
  3.3.3 d’Anville’s Maps: Reception and Further Adaptations
  Conclusion
  Annex: Extant Kangxi-era Sheets (Printed)

Conclusion: Unlocking Dichotomies: Revisiting Cross-cultural Circulation
  On Qing Imperial Cartography: Traditional vs. Scientific Practice
  On the Role of the Individual: Global vs. Local Networks
  On Instruments and Maps: The Circulation vs. the Production of Knowledge
  On Interculturality: China vs. Europe

References and Bibliography
Index


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Biographical note
Mario Cams, Ph.D. (University of Leuven, 2015), is Assistant Professor at the University of Macau’s Department of History and specializes in the history of early Sino-European contacts, late imperial China, and the history of cartography.